It is nem con agreed by advocates ( writers ) and critics ( writers ) that China and Africa shared similar historical experiences with regard to colonialism, economic and political developments. As such, they sympathized and supported each other in the battles for independency and national release [ Thiam, et Al. ( 1999 ) ; Jianbo and Xiaomin, ( 2009 ) ; Taylor, ( 2006 ) ] . China cultivated and nurtured the relationship with Africa by supplying fiscal, moral and political support for the battle for independency as evidenced by the address of Zhou EN-lai ‘Africa ( was ) mature revolution ‘ [ Thiam, et Al. ( 1999 ) ] and the announcement of Mao Zedong “ Sincere understanding and full support for African people ‘s battle against imperialism and colonialism ” ( Xie Yixian, ( twelvemonth ) ) .

Since the Bandung Conference ( Indonesia, 1955 ) and for over half a century now, both sides enjoyed frequent exchanges of high- degree visits and close political and economical ties[ 1 ]. The Conference brought together African and Asiatic provinces in order to advance Afro-asian economic and cultural co-operations and to oppose colonialism of all signifiers particularly, what some see as the hegemony of the United States, France and Great Britain [ Taylor, ( 2006 ) ] .

Bilateral and economic relationship grew quickly [ Rotberg, ( 2008 ) ; Broadman, ( 2009 ) ] . Cooperation in other sectors such as instruction [ Rotberg, ( 2008 ) ; Ashan, ( 2006 ) ] , agribusiness[ 2 ]and wellness[ 3 ][ Thompson and Drew, ( twelvemonth ) A ] shows impressive consequences as good. China provided aid and in return, Africa rendered her its strong support ( during the Tiananmen shots ) * on the international sphere [ Hao and Tongcheng, ( 1995 ) ] .

The relationship reached adulthood, particularly with the constitution and execution of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation ( FOCAC ) in 2000 and its subsequent sweetening in 2006 ( Beijing in November ) [ FOCAC WEBSITE, www. ] . Even though the forum successfully held three ministerial conferences in 2000, 2003 and 2006, it was the 2006 1 that was dubbed “ the twelvemonth of Africa ” because 48 African states including 43 caputs of provinces participated [ Penny Davies, ( 2006 ) ] , where China identified and drew up eight policy[ 4 ]steps aimed at bettering trade and economic carbon monoxide operations with Africa. These are continual aid, discriminatory funding, building of a conference Centre for the African Union, debt cancellation, opening up of the Chinese market to Africa, Human resource development ( professional preparation ) , and the constitution of trade and economic zones in Africa [ Jianbo and Xiaomin, ( 2009 ) ] .

China ‘s presence in Africa is nil but exceeding. In a sense, it is considered a underdeveloped state and yet has the privileges and powers of a developed state with a place on the UN Security Council. This double position gives it considerable diplomatic and political advantages ; traits that Africa so justly need in an ally [ Payne and Vaney, ( 1998 ) ] both for acknowledgment and sustainability ; holding being trampled upon and exploited by its so called ‘traditional ‘ givers for near to half a century.

A batch of work and research ( both for and against ) has been done on China-Africa relationship [ Broadman, ( 2006 ) ; Chan, ( 2006 ) ; Goldstein, Pinaud, Reisen and Chen, ( 2006 ) ; Tull, ( 2006 ) ; Wild and Mepham, ( 2006 ) ; Alden, ( 2007 ) ; Chin and Frolic, ( 2007 ) ; Li, ( 2007 ) ; He, ( 2007 ) ; Manji and Marks, ( 2007 ) ; Davies, Edinger, Tay and Naidu, ( 2008 ) ; World Development Special Issue, ( 2008 ) ; Gu, Humphrey and Messner, ( 2008 ) ; ADB, ( 2008 ) ; Dollar, ( 2008 ) ; Review of African Political Economy, ( 2008 ) ] . Two key and chief issues and concerns are normally raised. The first 1 is the motivations behind the quickly adult battle between China and Africa, and the 2nd is the deductions on Africa ‘s sustainable developments ( these issues identified shall be discussed in the chief thesis ) .

The grown relationship has been attributed by many, to China ‘s ‘hunger ‘ for natural stuffs for its dining economic system [ Jacques Martin, ( twelvemonth ) ; Baah and Jauch, ( 2009 ) ; Taylor, ( 2007 ) ; the International Energy Agency Report, ( 2000 ) ; Kent Hughes Butts and Brent Bankus, ( 2009 ) ] . Africa has tremendous natural stuffs in the signifier of untapped natural resources which no industrialised state would desire to lose ; and China is no exclusion. Africa has been the focal point of the industrialised World for this positive ground. It is the World ‘s human dynamo with monolithic natural oil and gas militias that are yet to be explored and utilized. It is reported to hold approximately 99 per centum of the universe ‘s chrome, 85 per centum Pt, 68 per centum Co, and 54 per centum gold, the largest quality diamond modesty of treasure in the universe and other cherished minerals [ Tom Nevin, ( 2008 ) ] .

True, China ( as any industrialised state ) needs these resources but to depict the state of affairs as ‘hungry ‘ is a bit hypocritical. Traditionally, Africa has had relationship with the West for about half a century but small is said about the motivations of the West in Africa ; which is similar to that of China in footings of natural stuffs. The West benefited tremendously from Africa ‘s natural stuffs merely as China is get downing to ; but contrasts the benefits of Africa from these two relationships.

While trade and economic trade stoppage, countenances, unrealized fiscal committednesss, protagonism for governments change and unhappily, hard and rigorous loaning conditions are imposed on Africa by its traditional spouses under the camouflage of democracy, answerability, good administration and structural accommodation plans, China ‘s partnership is based on sincere friendly relationship, equality and common regard ( win-win cooperation ) ( Hu Jintao, ( 2007 ) ) for the sovereignty [ Yu, ( 1988 ) ] of African states through non-interference in domestic personal businesss [ Scalapino, ( 1964 ) ] and loans and grants without ‘crippling or killer ‘ conditions [ Michal, ( 2007 ) ] ; about which the traditional spouses ironically keep chastising China for ( EU CRITICISM ) . This scheme by China allows African authoritiess to prioritise and implement undertakings of absolute necessity and in conformity with their development docket but non undertakings deemed fit for them by ‘specialists ‘ .

1.2 Investings

As expected, Chinese investings in Africa grew quickly, particularly after 2006 ( what happened in 2006? ) . As portion of its scheme of “ Go abroad* ” , the Chinese authorities implemented and opened trade and investings publicity centres in a figure of African states [ Baah and Jauch, ( 2009 ) ] . These investings undertakings include countries as trade, resource geographic expedition, transit, substructure and agribusiness [ Broadman, ( 2007 ) ; Baah and Jauch, ( 2009 ) ] .

China late signed Bilateral Trade and Investments Promotion and Protection Agreements with 29 African provinces and Free ( Avoidance of Double ) Taxation Agreements with 9 of these states [ China Daily, ( 2009 ) ] . Some critics [ Michal, ( 2007 ) ] see these understandings as encouragement and come-ons for Chinese endeavors to do their manner ( gaining control ) to Africa [ Zweig and Jianhai, ( 2005 ) ] even though the contrary is besides true. Advocates argue that it is to intensify farther the trade and investings chances.

Whatever the motivation of the Chinese authorities, bulk of African Countries and so their leading deem it a rare chance created to further friendly relationship, cooperation and above all, trade and investings.

1.3 CAMEROON

One of those African states is Cameroon. Situated in Central Africa, it is a member of the Francophone Zone ( FZ ) [ Romain Veyrune, ( twelvemonth ) ] . Cameroon and China signed several bilateral understandings in many countries such as economic and proficient carbon monoxide operations. Others are cultural and diplomatic dealingss [ Jansson, ( 2009 ) ] . Cameroon is non an oil bring forthing state but it is basking really good its relationship with China. In fact China is now the 2nd economic spouse of Cameroon after France ( clip frame ) . The economic relationship between China and Cameroon increased significantly over this past few old ages [ Khan and Baye, ( 2007 ) ; Jansson, ( 2008 ) ] . China offered a new and sustainable beginning of Foreign Direct Investments ( FDI ) for Cameroon, whose FDI public presentation had been hapless over the last decennaries [ Khan and Baye, ( 2007 ) ] . With this new and sustainable beginning of FDI, the economic system will no uncertainty be cushioned against fluctuations and dazes.

However, bulk of authors and locals consider the immense inflow of Chinese manufactured goods ( inexpensive as they are ) as a serious menace to the local exporters and makers in Cameroon and even worse, to the little and moderate-sized endeavors who still produce merely for the local market and have no competitory advantages as the Chinese companies are claimed to hold [ Khan and Baye, ( 2007 ) ] . These are legitimate concerns as it has the inclination of off-setting the fiscal position and by extension, the support and economic well being of the public. The relationship therefore, has possible for development and in fact, it is a success but it every bit has some hazards and disturbing challenges that need to be managed [ Khan and Baye, ( 2008 ) ; Jansson, ( 2008 ) ] . The direction of Cameroon hence, needs to place these job and troubled musca volitanss in order to resolutely turn to them strategically, bearing in head the larger involvement of the province counterpart, its battle with China ; to maximise the benefits and cut down these losingss.

1.4 PROBLEM STATEMENT

Africa ‘s development has been dead and in a province of regressing in the past decennaries while it is surrounded by tremendous natural resources. It has absolute bulk of the natural militias and resources of the World [ Tom Nevin, ( 2008 ) ] . Unfortunately, hapless economic substructure, low degree of edification in organisations, markets and productiveness among others are common characteristics in Africa. With such abundant untapped natural resources, it has great investings chances and potencies.

In the first one-fourth of 2007, Chinese endeavors signed and contracted undertakings with some African states amounting to about USD 29 billion and the turnover of about USD 13 billion. By the last one-fourth, the accrued value of all contracts signed was about USD 100 billion and USD 51 billion turnover [ Chinese Ministry of Commerce, ( 2007 ) ] . Presently, the figure of Chinese applied scientists and workers engaged in these contracted undertakings is about 114, 000 [ The China Commerce Yearbook, ( 2008 ) ] . To my cognition, this is unprecedented.

It is deserving adverting that China ‘s relationship with Africa is long-run. One can merely conceive of what the turnover of these investings would be in 50 or hundred old ages, given that conditions remain as they are now with China, coupled with the current degree of commitment form African leaders. This could see Africa emerge in the twenty-first century from its hosts of jobs ( poorness, diseases, etc ) . This is an chance African leaders can non afford to lose but prehend. Anything short will be an unpardonable mistake the mass agony of the public habit over expression. But the existent job is that whilst China has a good defined scheme for Africa, Africa lacks a corporate and concise scheme for its traffics with China.

The international community has reacted to the adult involvements of China in Africa. Characteristic of the Western media, China is criticized, condemned and labeled with many uncharitable names for being perceived as a menace. Chinese policy is non seen by bulk of Africans as a menace. It is disputing, particularly to the Western and USA policies ; as China give a batch to Africa and in return demand less [ Scalapino, ( 1964 ) ] . Unfortunately, some African authors ( Adama ) besides adopted these bases in malice of the overpowering and glowering grounds that the relationship is good for Africa.

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1.5 PURPOSE AND SIGNIFICANCE

Cameroon is a former settlement of France. It is a member of the Franc Zone and besides a member of the Monetary and Economic Community of Cardinal African ( CEMAC ) . It gained its independency in 1960 and has experienced fringy political and economic stableness in the sub-region of all time since.

In believing through how Africans and the international community should turn to China ‘s function on the continent, a important starting point is to better understand the diverse impacts of the Chinese Private and State-owned Enterprises investings on Africa as stated by ( souces ) . A instance survey on Cameroon may assist buttress this point.

Analyzing China ‘s part in the sweetening of Cameroons economic degrees and repeating them shall function two intents. On the one manus, it will function as information to make full the spread in academe ( for Scholars, pupils, caputs of provinces, journalists, and economic experts ) and an oculus opener to the international community ; of the existent parts and impacts of this new attack in the China-Africa relationship. On the other manus, it shall function as an illustration for other cardinal African states ( with similar state of affairss ) to emulate. Its economic growing and stableness would hold positive impacts on its immediate neighbors such as the Central Africa Republic, Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad, Sudan and Gabon ; which are all members of the CEMAC and the Franc Zone and therefore contribute and lead to better carbon monoxide operations.

The research intends to exhibit in its entireness the impact of the relationship on both sides and how far it will travel in the close hereafter ; taking into consideration the cost and benefit effects. I intend to back up bing groundss about the consequence of Chinese investings in Africa and to propose theories that could take to farther cooperation, geographic expedition and development.

This shall be accomplished utilizing primary informations which are worldwide accepted as believable and supply first manus information. To this terminal, all the Chinese Private and State-owned Enterprises investings in Cameroon and some in other African provinces shall be identified and their Head Living quarterss in China contacted for informations. The Chinese chamber of commercialism shall be contacted every bit good as a cheque and verification of these informations. Questionnaire shall be developed to capture information and the consequences analyzed and interpreted. Secondary informations in the signifier of books, published documents, diaries, web sites and others academic stuffs shall be used to augment these analysis and readings.

To accomplish this, the below ends and aims shall be pursued:

Identify the impact of Chinese investings on the political, economic and cultural growing of Africa, particularly Cameroon,

Analyze the impact ( positives or negatives ) of Chinese Private and SOE ‘s investings in Africa ; particularly the Cameroonian economic growing,

Contribute to the deficiency of the handiness of informations on the nature and impact of Chinese investing in Cameroon,

Assess the impact ( positive and negative ) of Chinese investing on the environment and livelihood/ wellbeing of the Cameroonian people